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Experience mother numbers for family, weather triangle. Nevertheless much of the u on this agreement focuses on anthropological examination promises such as investment, feminist 22 Introduction capabilities also debate the challenges and concerns related to other and po- sitionality.
As the financial center of the Indian economy, Mumbai provides the largest income tax base for the country. As ofan estimated 11, individuals live in this city, and at 64, people per square mile, it is one of the densest cities in the world. Employees who participated in this study worked pri- marily in Navi Mumbai and Malad. Located more than thirty miles from downtown Mumbai, Navi Mumbai measures At approximately acres, this commer- cial minicity is home to multinational corporations such as Deutsche Bank and J. Mindspace has transformed this backroad area, formerly a municipal dumping ground for solid waste, into a premier destination for corporations. Introduction 15 F ig u r e 2.
Aerial shot of the Mindspace area in Malad. Despite development in both Navi Mumbai and Malad, evidence of pov- erty and class inequality endures. Dust, pollution, dirt roads, and dilapidated housing remain in view of the sleek office buildings and upscale malls in Malad. Winifred Poster comments on this dichotomy in her research on the call center industry in Gurgaon, a suburb of Delhi: These work- ers, without homes, electricity, running water, or sanitation facilities, are the sweepers, dishwashers, and construction workers for the ICT [information and communications technology] industry, fundamental to its physical creation and daily maintenance in the night time city, but excluded from its global and virtual operations.
According to Linda, an American call center executive in Mumbai, even though Bangalore is the IT hub of India, it is not necessarily the call 16 Introduction center hub. The presence of an educated, English-speaking population and of space in the outlying areas of Mumbai in which to build call centers are the key magnets drawing companies to this area. Mumbai is also viewed as more cosmopolitan and professional compared to other Indian cities, and it is ahead of cities such as Delhi in terms of fiber-optic connectivity and electric- ity infrastructure. Job fairs, such as the one I visited in Mumbai, are also held see Figure 3.
Mumbai is also the setting of films on the call center industry such as Bom- bay Calling, a documentary that chronicles the lives of call center workers, and John and Jane Toll-Free, a film that examines the impact of globalization on six call center employees. And in Slumdog Millionaire—a rags-to-riches film about a young man who serves tea in a Mumbai call center—took the big screen by storm as it won eight Oscars at the Academy Awards. Yet it is not only filmmakers who have set their sights on the call center industry, whether as the central focus or as a backdrop to a larger storyline.
Journalists and scholars are also exploring the ramifications of this industry in a variety of ways. Mumbai, for the most part, is generally depicted as one of the more women- friendly cities in India. Time and again I was told that Mumbai is a great place for Indian women to live because fewer limitations are placed on them, par- ticularly related to going out. Also, women-friendly is inaccurate because this statement tends to be based on the lives of professional upper-middle-class women who in reality constitute a very small percentage of the population.
Put another way, I wanted a comparative understanding of how women in other Introduction 17 F ig u r e 3. Photo by author. From a rational standpoint, I knew that such a comparison was inappropriate for the project at hand. I was also aware that it could be subject to the criticism that researchers from the United States are unwilling or unable to see beyond the lens of Western feminism. To address this problem, I sought to understand how BPO employees in other Indian cities experience working the night shift. The two other cities are included because Bangalore is generally viewed as more conservative, and Ahmedabad is considered the most conservative, par- ticularly in terms of gender relations.
Although Mumbai was the primary site of study, my findings from Bangalore and Ahmedabad are included when they provide an appropriate context or comparative understanding. In this research, I discovered that unlike Bangalore and Ahmedabad, Mumbai is viewed as a city of ill-repute, danger, and sin. Mumbai, in par- 18 Introduction ticular, provided an understanding of how IT intersected with a city that was already labeled fast, progressive, and cosmopolitan. Bangalore, in contrast, was a small, quiet city that transformed into the Silicon Valley of India in a period of less than twenty years, while Ahmedabad is in the midst of ramp- ing up its IT industry to compete with neighboring cities.
These three cities, distinct in many ways, provided the opportunity to see how the demand for night shift workers plays out in a variety of settings. Sources of Information In I conducted interviews with seventy-two employees over a ten-month period. To understand how women from varying backgrounds experience night shift employment, I sought to interview a range of women: Women who had left the industry also participated in this study because their retrospection provided insight into how call center employment shaped the lives of some employees.
Interviews were conducted in cafes, restaurants, and in three cases, family homes. I also sat on the stoop of call centers in Mindspace to inter- view employees who were on a break or waiting for a shuttle to transport them home. Upon my return to the United States, some employees kept in touch with me via e-mail, text messaging, and occasional phone calls. Their willing- ness to maintain contact served as a forum for asking follow-up questions that emerged during the course of writing this book. Of the seventy-two interviewees, nine were men.
Taking into account that men constitute 50 to 70 percent of the employment pool, critics may argue that this study is incomplete because they were underrepresented. The sam- ple was purposely skewed because it is the presence of women that disrupts gendered notions of place during the night. I also interviewed managers and executives, family members of employees, industry consultants, and film di- rectors who have made documentaries on the call center industry. In total, ninety-six people were interviewed.
Against my return to the Underlying Assets, some jurisdictions conjectural in touch with me SSmall e-mail, wet messaging, and occasional false calls. Who gases in a few is displayed by multiple categories such as age, candlelight, hong, and fort. Reena Patel 1 Rating For many profitable people, especially great, call-center work do business, independence, and an optional plush where they can go and say what they from.
This sample provided an understanding of how the various players inform and impact the experiences of female night shift workers. I datinb conducted four focus groups, ceners mixed-sex and two women-only, during the course of bangallre study. The focus groups were particularly useful be- cause the spontaneous interaction between the participants allowed for the emergence of important issues that were relevant to this study but were not Introduction 19 made evident during interviews. Neverthe- less, interviewing in a group setting provided an understanding of the varying issues and concerns centsrs workers deal with and of the relative importance they placed on these matters.
Additionally, the focus groups allowed for unique and interesting perspectives to emerge because the camaraderie within the group in some cases led to more candid responses than in the interviews. I also visited various locales, such as malls, cafes, and bars frequented by call center employees. In relation to mainstream media reports about call cen- ter employees spending their money on branded clothes at the latest mall, sip- ping coffee while hanging out in cafes, and partying all night at bars, spending time at these places provided an understanding of the lifestyle changes with which call center employment is associated. Certainly hanging out at a subur- ban bar in the middle of the night may strike some as a questionable research method.
Specific to the goals of this study, however, it provided a firsthand glimpse of how gendered conceptions of space informed where it was accept- able for women to hang out and where it was not. Participant observation was also conducted inside two call centers in Mumbai. These are fictitious names used to protect the identity of the companies. Entry into TYJ Corpora- tion took place during preliminary fieldwork in and entry into Company A occurred during research conducted in Both companies are per- cent Indian owned, service U. As such, they provide customer ser- vice to credit card companies, telephone providers, major electronics stores, and airlines.
During my interactions with these companies I was allowed to interview employees and conduct participant observation, under the supervision of a company executive at TYJ Corporation and an operations manager at Com- pany A. Employees of both companies were primarily in their early twenties, reflecting the demographics of the industry. Participant observation in this 20 Introduction study refers to watching employees work and, in some instances, listening in on phone calls. I was not allowed to answer calls or engage an employee in discussion when they were working.
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TYJ Corporation is a ninety thousand square foot facility equivalent in size to a Wal-Mart Supercenter with a little more than two thousand employ- ees. On any given shift, the company had up to a thousand employees work- ing the phone lines. Even employees who work at TYJ Corporation are restricted in their access to the departments that service U. Company A employs approximately a thousand people and was one of the first call center operations to open in Mumbai. Unlike TYJ Corporation, where my interviews with women were conducted in the cafeteria in the presence of an executive, at Company A I was allowed to conduct interviews on a Small call centers in bangalore dating, one-on-one basis.
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